Sunday, May 05, 2013

Might does not make Right

 Again and again the Syrian revolution is condemned as some kind of foreign "conspiracy" that is aimed against the self-described bastion of Arab resistance to Israel. Last night's Israeli attack against an Assad regime research facility in Damascus has brought out of the woodwork all sorts of individuals who, silent in the face of the massacre in the coastal city of Banyas for the past three days, have suddenly found their voices. The pictures we saw coming out of Banyas these past few days were truly horrific, and were reminiscent of the images we saw emerge from the Sabra and Chatilla massacres during the Lebanese civil war. Yet these self-styled anti-imperialists did not retweet and angrily condemn these murders. Instead they chose silence and wilful ignorance.

Today they are trying to portray last night's Israeli air raids as an attack on Syrian sovereignty, as if that is not what Assad has been doing to Syrians for the past two and a half years. Apart from the evident hypocrisy of this position, there are also two fallacies underlying their argument. Firstly that the Syrian regime represents Syria, and that an attack on it is an attack on the country and its people, and secondly that Israel did this in support of the Syrian revolution.

With regards to the second point most Syrians, including those who support the revolution, are missing the fact that Israel hasn't the slightest concern for the Syrian revolution or the Syrians who are dying. It is focused first and foremost on its battle with Iran and Hezbullah, and has consistently stated that it will not let the more advanced weaponry in Syria's arsenal fall into Hezbullah's arms. When it attacks Assad's bases and arsenals, it is doing so with a clear strategy and based on these calculations only.

Syrians supporting the revolution should neither cheer nor lament the involvement of Israel's attacks on Assad's arsenal. From a practical point of view it is very much an advantage to the revolution (armed as well as peaceful), as it is far better for the regime's arsenal and advanced divisions to be obliterated than that they be used against Syrian towns and villages. We have seen the piles of bodies in Banyas and countless Syrian villages and cities, and so close to the anniversary of the Houla massacre which was perpetrated by Assad regime thugs. These images will forever be engraved in the collective memory of Syrians and never again must we allow ourselves to be in such a position, that Syrians be slaughtered like sheep in an abattoir.

To cheer for Israel's attack on Assad, apart from being misguided, also makes the mistake of siding with one oppressor against another. How different is it, then, that people would side with Iran simply because it claims to be fighting for the Palestinians? This is a fallacy, and more importantly the answer is not to wag the finger at Israel and claim that once we finish with Assad we will drive over and liberate Jerusalem in a Golgotha of blood.

We mst instead reinvent our narrative. International law, human rights, and morality are with us as they are with the Palestinian people, and it is through this path that we can then achieve true justice for all and make good cause with good people across the world.

True Syrian sovereignty begins with us as people and not as a regime. It is when we realise this simple political fact that we can decide how best to champion the cause of oppressed people the world over. We, as Syrians, and the Syrian transitional government should take note, have a unique opportunity to right the wrongs of the past, and to be a shining beacon of human rights and democracy not just to the Middle East but to the world. We can and should create a national self-belief that we are a unique mix of people who will never accept might as right. A Syria committed to human rights and the rule of law will protect itself from Israeli missiles and warplanes far better than expensive, and largely ineffective, Russian S-300 air defence systems. When we become the change that we have fought for so fervently, we will become far better champions for the downtrodden than all the divisions of Hezbullah and Iran put together.

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Tuesday, April 30, 2013

Syria: Hezbullah's Quagmire?

Nasrallah's speech earlier today was, rhetoric not withstanding, a declaration of war on Syria. Syria, as some people would like us all to forget, is not the Assad regime, it is the Syrian people. And it is the Syrian people that are revolting against Assad, a fact that Nasrallah conveniently ignores in his discourse. His talk today was couched in the same kind of vague language that the Syrian regime uses to refer to the "crisis", with veiled references to "outside actors" without mentioning names, and with promises that details may perhaps be revealed "in future". That is all fluff, and observers will notice that the rhetoric Nasrallah uses to explain Hezbullah's sometimes controversial (to his followers) behaviour is intended to filter down the cult of resistance pyramid - to politicians, journalists, and social media - and shape the discourse. In this way he creates the epistemic grounds for legitimizing what his party does. But that is another blog post for another day.

Most interesting to me was Nasrallah's statement regarding Damascus. He promised that Damascus would never fall militarily and I believe he means what he says. It is one thing when all of us feel that a sustained push against the regime in Damascus is long overdue, but another thing when Nasrallah confirms this view because that means that somebody is in a position to try and take the city soon.

The statement that the city will "never fall" can mean two things, and neither bode well for the Damascenes and other Syrians who have fled there. The first is that Hezbullah (and Iran) may be heavily invested in the capital and will emerge in full force to support Assad when the campaign begins, and secondly that there will be such a rain of destruction on the city that Aleppo will look like a walk in the park in comparison. Assad's artillery and bases on Mount Qasiyoon, overlooking Damascus, have been raining destruction on the city suburbs for almost a year, and can easily level the old city if it looks like the regime will lose it. But this is not yet the case, and here it looks like Nasrallah's warning is intended to point to an alternative that he desires, negotiations. But these are not the negotiations that most people would understand.

I've said previously that when Assad's allies speak of "negotiations", they use a different meaning. Assad will use "negotiations" to refer to discussions with a loyal opposition, whilst his allies really mean negotiations between the United States and Russia on one level, and perhaps an uneasy understanding between the Gulf states and Iran on the other. The elephant in the room is the Syrian opposition in all its flavours, from the Muslim Brotherhood to the Muaz al Khatib current. This is because they are the only party that Assad and his allies cannot allow to operate freely within Syria. To allow any of these currents will mean genuine political plurality and a real challenge to the regime, therefore its downfall.

The recent, and controversial, statement addressed to him by Muaz al Khatib appears to have not even registered with Nasrallah. Instead he chose to focus, as an ally of Assad, purely on the narrative that there is an international conspiracy against the Syrian regime and that negotiations should really be with the "foreign backers" of these armed gangs. This is unfortunate and he may come to regret this olive branch later, especially when the fighting reaches Lebanon - and it will at some point.

Between Assad negotiating with his loyal opposition, and his foreign allies pushing for the world to abandon Syria's revolution, the real Syrian opposition in all its spectrums, is to be starved to death, and the Syrian people will be returned back to their fifty year induced coma. In summary, Nasrallah has dug in his heels over Assad's regime and declared war on Syria. His party will fight on under the pretence of protecting Lebanese in the country, and on the pretence of protecting the shrine of a woman who is revered by Sunnis as well as Shiites.

Hezbullah is now fully embroiled in the Syrian quagmire, and has committed itself to supporting the Assad regime. This is a grave error of judgement for while Hezbullah might be strong in Lebanon, it is not strong in Syria. One need only recall the dreadful blow it received through the assassination of Imad Mughniyeh in Damascus a few years ago, right in the heart of Assad's security district. Furthermore, Hezbullah's soldiers are not familiar with the territory they are fighting in, and they are far from their supply lines and support base.

It is clear they have been having an extremely difficult time in the Qusayr, which may be part of the reason why he chose to address his followers about it and also to justify the involvement. Finally, whilst the situation in Lebanon is still not serious enough to concern him, politics in Lebanon can escalate very quickly. By underestimating his domestic opponents and involving himself with a costly fight in Syria, Nasrallah will compound his errors and find himself biting off more than he can chew.

Nasrallah told us tonight that it is not important how "you" understand the situation (regarding Shiite interests in Syria), but how other people (his people) see it. But with his fighters trickling back to Lebanon in boxes, Mr Nasrallah seems to be misreading the situation. The only people who's understanding he needs to consider carefully is that of the Syrians, and they have already made their views of his involvement very clear. It was not long ago that Israel slipped away during the night after its failed and costly involvement in Lebanon. Today Hezbullah appear to be making the same mistake.
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Sunday, April 28, 2013

Al Azm on "Anti-Imperialists"

Dr Sadiq Jalal al Azm is somebody I've been wanting to read more of and never had the chance to. I just stumbled upon a recent translation of his interview and I'm impressed by his razor sharp analysis. Of particular interest to me was his classification of the so-called anti-imperialist camp that has made it their mission to obfuscate and confuse the discourse surrounding Syria since the start of the revolution.

Whereas the smaller bloc of the left has hardened its old positions, as if nothing happened after the end of the Cold War, and with time its attitudes and methods became of the same nature as that of the Taliban-Jihadis or dogmatic closed-minded sectarians, or even that of terrorist “Bin Ladenites,” in its blind defiance of the West, global capitalism (a global capitalism that Russia and China are now a part of) and imperialism. This bloc from the left, in the Arab world and internationally, is today the most hostile to the Syrian revolution and the closest to defending the tyrannical military-security-familial regime using several arguments, not least of which is that the entire world plotted, apparently, against this regime that is peace-loving and stable. This type of leftist emphasizes “the game of nations” and “geopolitical analysis,” with stories of collision of interests and plans of the great powers and their dominance in our region, and does not want to view the revolution in Syria through anything other than through this lens, and neglects all that happens inside Syria and to Syria’s revolutionaries today, as well as ignoring all the reasons that led its people to a peaceful revolution, and later to taking up arms in the face of a “nationalist” tyranny that is allied with this kind of leftist. In other words, this leftist has no problem with sacrificing Syria if it leads to a victory being handed to their international camp and “geopolitics” that wants a global victory in the “game of nations.” Their first priority is not Syria or its people in revolt to restore the republic, their freedom, and their dignity, but the game of nations at the global level of analysis and the side that they want to win.
 The English translation of the interview is well worth a read here.
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In Praise of Falling

Thinking of the past hurts too much. The present is good, it doesn't hurt so much and gives us lots of things to do. But then when it all goes quiet we are left with the whispers of memory.

Unfulfilled greatness, yes, nothing hurts so much as unfulfilled greatness. When we make that jump, knowing that nobody believes in us, and we fall short. That split second when the athlete grimaces in horror as he realizes he is going to trip and fall.

He falls, slowly, and watches the ground as it welcomes him into her hard embrace. Then they will laugh at his broken dreams, as his dignity lies in shreds. Burning tears. So close, so close...

Oh! Such a nobility in failing, in crashing down from the heavens as your wax wings drip apart. Just a moment earlier, you with your fragile wax wings, standing atop the cliff top all gloriously ridiculous confidence. You pushed away doubt, pushed away fear. You did it because you had to, beneath the cruel blows of must...it couldn't have been any other way. Couldn't have...
 

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I am looking through and sorting the poems that were written to those who are no more. These poems I used to read to the warm, living people when I was full of faith in our survival, in an end to all that, in a to-morrow, in vengeance, in joy, in rebuilding. 

Do read it.

This is our history.

This is what I read to the dead.
Wladyslaw Szlengel



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Tuesday, April 09, 2013

"History is not Essential"

One of the things that rile me is people who complain about the revolution in Syria without questioning why it had become necessary in the first place. It strikes me as incredible that some people would think it is easy for a human being to risk life and limb to go out protesting in the face of a feared secret police day after day. Maybe they think that poor or rural people aren't the same as them? There is, after all, an element of class snobbery and urban disdain for the countryside. But I believe there is also something else at work.

A Syrian relative of mine once asked derisively what use would studying history be for people? His question reminded me of the Jewish man in Schindler's List who is told by a Nazi soldier that 'history is not essential'. Since when is history not essential? There is no time in our lives when history is not as important as it is now. Carefully documenting the crimes on mobile phones and interpreting what we are seeing truthfully and accurately is not just important for bringing war criminals to account, but so that our children and the children of other peoples will know what happened to us one day.

More importantly it shows us how the failure of governance and corruption not only led to the subversion of a whole state, but to the deaths of tens of thousands of people when it became unsustainable. Wherever we look to the rise of totalitarian systems we find the rise of strife and calamity. The people who tell us today that history is not essential are the same type of people throughout history who were silent in the face of injustice and pretended that they didn't know what was happening.

The older generation new what was happening in 1963 and after. They knew what was happening when Syrian Kurds then had their citizenship revoked and people started disappearing off the streets. They knew about the trade unionists, journalists, doctors and lawyers who were arrested or exiled. But instead they chose to stay quiet and make a living. 'Stay out of politics' was the adage they lived by. But you can't stay out of politics. Politics will follow you into your house and your wallet. History is also the study of the politics of those who came before us. But history means you know what is happening, and knowing something is wrong imposes a duty to act, an inconvenient duty which will risk life and limb. That can be a problem, so such people decided that 'history is not essential' and cursed those ignorant peasants who rose up when things became intolerable.

What better way to sustain their delusion even now than by denying this is a revolution. After all nobody denies that this regime is distasteful. But then they will say bring us a real revolution and we would join it. What is a real revolution? You would ask of them. And they would say that a real revolution is planned and organized. That it would not have unsavoury types involved, and that it would have a doctrine and universal creed motivating it.

So this isn't a revolution, and it isn't worth joining, according to them. So I ask them to show me a revolution in human history that was as they describe. That wasn't ugly and violent. I detest revolutions and the chaos that they bring, but I detest the Lie and the evil which make revolution inevitable even more. The revolution is like a guttural cry from that dark place inside us. Though it is dark and from the jungle, this animal impulse cannot accept what is wrong for long, and like a hurt animal it will lash out against friend and foe. We all have it inside us, but some people pretend they are better than the 'riff-raff', unaware that they are a week away from killing each other should they ever become similarly destitute and desperate. This is a revolution in every despicable and glorious sense of the word, and if we had only paid attention to what had happened to those before us then we wouldn't have been in this mess today. History, as it turns out, is very essential.

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Thursday, April 04, 2013

The Smell of Clementines

The building we used to live in was built in 1936, I think. I remember that because once when we went up to the top of the building to install a satellite dish I saw a plaque somewhere which said that, but I can't remember for sure now. I also remember that, at the time, I used to feel embarrassed to have lived in that building, because it wasn't "new" like those my friends lived in. Now that I think of it, I know that it was a beautiful building, and that it had seen better days. The ground floor and basement were owned by a baker, who later opened a horrid little fast food shop by cutting open the front. The old stone floor that you walked in on as you pushed the black painted wrought iron gate had a permanent stream of water from a leak that nobody ever bothered to repair, and brown cockroaches would frequently scuttle around. In spite of that, I grew up to the whirr of the furnaces as they would start up each morning, followed quickly by the smell of freshly baked pastries and manakeesh. In spite of the mess we were fond of our noisy and dirty neighbours, I guess nothing is entirely bad or entirely good and in a way that is what life is all about.

Once you traversed that short little entrance, you went up a few steps and then from there up the staircase to the first floor, which is where we lived. The apartment we lived in had two doors, one which led straight into a corridor towards the kitchen and the other opened straight into a large hall. I suppose whoever built the house thought it would be useful to have the side door that would lead to the kitchen for servants and what not, whilst the owners (I like to think) entertained guests in lavish parties below the marvellous chandeliers.

As one came in to the main salon I remember always feeling elated, as if I was walking into a palace. To this day I can't stand rooms with low ceilings. We had the most beautiful wallpaper that we used to change every few years, times were good back then financially. From the ceilings we would have dangling chandeliers that I would strain my neck looking up at whenever I thought I was alone. The whole house was laid out in a mysterious way. It was as if somebody wanted to get the feel of an old Damascene house into a 'modern' building. The central hall was the heart, and from it there were doors that led to living rooms either side. We used the furthest one as a dining room. The one on the side of the street opened up to a small balcony from which we spent hours looking at the world go buy, or would watch mesmerised as the grocers rode by with their daintily plumed horses, honking handheld horns so people would buy their vegetables or fruit. I can still taste the metallic taste of the black railings as I would rest my lips on them and stare down.

The other doors led to the kitchen section, which was itself a microcosm, and to the bedrooms. Like the old Damascus houses, the rooms too were linked by doors. If they wanted to, somebody could circumnavigate the central hall going from room to room to kitchen or to the bathroom without ever being seen by visitors. There were a million and one places a boy could explore, hide in and play his games there, and I loved it. Some parts of the house frightened me, however, like the darkened corridor between two bedrooms which also had a door into the bathroom. If I was to cross that little corridor, which also opened to the main hall, into the bathroom, especially at night, I was terrified about what might be lurking in the dark behind the door. Of course there was nothing there, and we just had a cupboard that was filled with shoes and slippers from aeons past. In my mind, however, it was the hiding place for all manner of horrid things, and I would always quicken my stride, turning on the bathroom light and waiting for what seemed an eternity before the neon lights flickered to life.

The other thing I remember distinctly about the house was that all the doors, even the bathroom doors, had windows in them, thick, stained windows behind which you could make out shapes, but never quite make out what they were. We would play games with that too, pressing our faces when we were tall enough to the glass because it would look squashed and funny. When we were living there, I remember that the doors had been heavily painted over the years, and the detail and finishing on the wood seemed drowned out by the grey and then caramel paint that was applied. The door handles too, were ornate, fine, and falling apart. We quickly remembered which doors closed and which didn't, not that there was ever any reason to close doors back then. Rather than dividing the house, which is no doubt what they were intended to, the doors to many rooms, especially the living rooms, had long ago been removed, leaving only useless hinges from which we might dangle a blue Eye to ward off envy and bad people.

In the winter the beautiful red, blue and white patterned tiles were covered by a variety of rugs that had their own intricate patterns, and as children we would use these as roads and boundaries for our plastic armies to fight and conquer. In one corner we had a stuffed eagle, an object of utter fascination to us that years later we sadly had to throw away because it was falling apart and attracting insects. At the centre of the house we had the massive "sobia" - a diesel heater with a long metallic pipe held by wires that scaled the heights to the ceiling, and from there was attached to to the building's shared chimney. The mysterious fire that we could see through the small glass porthole at its front mesmerized with its dancing and flickering. Sometimes the grownups would put chestnuts on top of the sobia, as well as clementine peelings and the smell of them crackling would fill the house. I didn't like the latter for some reason, and felt repulsed whenever that was done though the smell was not unpleasant and one I would enjoy today. On a table somewhere we would have our mother of pearl backgammon box, piles of magazines, strewn toys or books and a coffee table with the ever present tray of small Arabic coffee cups, some turned upside down so that our old neighbour can read fortunes when she visits later in the afternoon or evening.

In the summer the house took on a different form. The balconies on both sides were always open, and a gentle draft would flow, particularly welcome in the balmy evenings. When I grew older, I developed a fondness for the rear living room, with its massive balcony that formed one side for the interior of a triangle of buildings. From there you could hear the life of the world around you without ever being noticed. There was the laundry dangling, the sounds of shouting or people talking and television sets. That part of the house opened as if to another world, and it was something like those Brooklyn neighbourhoods you'd see in the films. Many years later, when I watched "A Street Car Named Desire" for the first time, I felt as if I had been transported straight back to that old living room and into that heaving urban proximity with other human beings. On lazy afternoons, I'd sit in that room and lose myself in countless books and stories. It was the furthest I could get from the noise of the television, and the brightest room in the house for the longest part of the day - at night we didn't like to turn the lights on because that attracted mosquitoes.

To me, and in spite of my fondness for reading, the most fascinating part of the house was the kitchen and pantry we had. The kitchen was tiny, and above it we could climb a rickety ladder to get to a store room, though the only person brave enough to attempt it was my late grandmother. The kitchen was entirely dominated by this enormous American fridge we had and to me the thing was almost cavernous, though for an adult it is actually quite small. The pantry was this mysterious hidden place that I would go to hide in sometimes. It had nooks and crannies, cupboards with jars filled with all sorts of mysterious things, especially the jams my grandmother was so good at, and - most importantly, it was still bright enough not to be scary. For a six or seven year old, it was the perfect secret lair.

My least favourite part of the house was the small toilet situated by the side door to the apartment, the one that led to the kitchen. For one thing it was the darkest place in the house, and secondly it had the beastliest of all human inventions, the Asian style toilet - basically a hole in the floor. I was mortified with the idea of trying to use it, as well as having a perfectly justified concern of falling into it. I never did, thankfully, but I have an aversion to these toilets to this day because of it. In a strange way this horrid little toilet was the final twist that summed up all the beauty of Damascus, a city that seemed like a mirage between East and West - and a home that had features from both. Years later the nostalgia for this old building would hit me hard as I saw its sisters in Paris, old, stoney and just as noble though better taken care of.

Sadly the neighbourhood got noisier and dirtier and increasingly crowded. The building itself was in a state of disrepair, and the house was in need of work that we just couldn't afford to carry out, so we eventually moved. I went back there one last time in Ramadan, and remember feeling annoyed that we hadn't moved yet so I could be in the new, quieter, apartment. I was told that the move was delayed just long enough so that we can all spend one last time together in that place we called home, and I'm thankful now that we did because so much has changed since then, for all of my family. The house that Ramadan was emptier as most of our belongings had slowly been moved out. I couldn't help feel a certain melancholy to see the rooms appear so lifeless and empty, after all I had never seen them like that. Even the neighbourhood had changed, and people we had shared decades with there had all moved out as prices went up or life became too messy. I knew it was time for us to go.

The house remained empty for many years, and sometimes we would pass by the old street and see the balcony doors hanging open but with only darkness inside. The sight of it broke my heart but the owners had wanted to sell it after almost forty years. Though we tried to convince them to sell it at a lower price, or to keep leasing it to us, it was all to no use. As it turned out a buyer never came, and I heard recently that a family escaping the fighting in other parts of the country has now moved in. The thought that this magical home is now solace for another family, that it is no longer empty, makes me feel glad. I guess sometimes homes need families too and not just the other way around.

Strangely enough when I dream of Damascus - which is often - I am always in or near this house. I arrive to the old hara - which is just the way it was in the old days - and slowly open the door. Inside the house is bright and furnished as if we had never left, and my grandmother is watching her soap operas on the television from the balcony. When I wake up from those dreams I feel as if I was actually there, and my heart feels heavy with loss for waking up. It is as if somewhere, deep inside me, I carry that home wherever I go. At this very moment I can remember every detail as if it were in front of me, as if the house has soaked itself into my being. I know now that, however far I am, and however dark the days might be or cold the nights, I need only look inwards and I'll find myself in our warm old living room, watching the flames in our sobia and with the sweet smell of burnt clementine peels in the air, all as it once was, and all as if I had never left...

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Sunday, March 31, 2013

Welcome to Assad's Syria


I saw this picture a few days ago and it made my heart ache. They say this is a seven year old boy, somewhere in Aleppo. He holds his cigarette like a pro and carries the machine gun non-chalantly. Nobody should be under any illusion about how sad this state of affairs is. It is a tragedy when a boy this small, who probably doesn't even know how to read, thinks that he is a fighter of some sort. He's seen almost nothing but strife in his short life. How will a child like this grow to be a man? To love a woman or to raise children of his own? How will he learn the joys of being patient and reaping the fruits of his labour, or of learning from his own mistakes? Will he even live long enough to grow his first stubble?

There is only one thing which is certain about this picture to me. The regime wants Syrians to despair and understand one message. It is a message that is both simple and devastating, "There is no past and no future for Syria without Assad."
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